
The All Progressives Congress appears to have given its enemies a stick
to beat the party. For two weeks now, the governing party has been at
war with itself over the sharing of offices. And it’s getting messier.
In
a gesture of serial defiance, the Senate not only rejected the party’s
choice of candidates for Senate president and deputy, it also rejected
the party’s list for other principal officers. The gangrene has spread
to the House.
For its part, the Peoples Democratic Party is
simply beside itself in an Fun of mockery. Its officials cannot believe
their worst wishes will come true so soon. They are quietly stoking the
flames, anxious to regroup and seize the current crisis in the APC as
their resurrection launch pad.
And what better way to start than
for Ike Ekweremadu to get a foot in the door as deputy Senate president
in a deal that has taken the PDP out of the ICU?
That’s politics.
Yet it is precisely in an attempt to prevent the variety of renegade
politics that beset the PDP four years ago – when Aminu Tambuwal defied
his party – that the APC has refused to sweep the current crisis under
the carpet.
There are those who have argued that the party should
get over itself and move on. It’s futile to hope that either Ekweremadu
or Senate President Bukola Saraki will step down at this point. So, why
persist in a war of attrition that is depleting the party’s goodwill
and distracting it from the urgent tasks at hand?
Those who
pursue this line of argument insist that if Saraki was good enough to
invest himself in APC’s election campaign, surely he cannot be unworthy
of a post in the National Assembly, which he contested for and won
according to the rules of the Senate.
As for his teaming up with
Ekweremadu, what’s the big deal? What is the difference between both
parties, anyway? And was the APC not in clandestine defection talks with
Ekweremadu and co at some point after Buhari’s victory in March? What’s
the party mad about?
The matter is not so cut and dried. To
suggest that APC and PDP are one and the same thing is to insult voters
who could no longer endure the travesty of the latter and decided that
enough was enough.
PDP was not and cannot be like any other
party. The party, especially under Jonathan, was simply incomparable in
its capacity for mischief, stealing and impunity. It is a disservice to
our collective memory to forget that so soon.
Those who insist on
party discipline do so because they have seen the misery and
devastation that former President Goodluck Jonathan’s weakness brought
upon the PDP and, ultimately, the country. Also, in a country where
merit often takes the back seat, zoning has become a makeshift formula
for deciding who gets what.
Whatever threatens zoning rocks the
boat. Saraki’s presumptive strike toppled the party’s consensus on
zoning and sent a mixed signal about his company and future ambition.
That’s
obviously one other reason why the party is finding it hard to move on.
The party’s arrangement, which favoured the Lawan-Akume pair for the
Senate and the Gbajabiamila-Monguno for the House, was based on the
calculation that these candidates have modest ambitions.
The
party had hoped that Lawan’s emergence would kill two birds with one
stone: it would settle the feeling of marginalisation in the North East
and stave off any serious challenge for the nation’s top job in 2019.
The
unspoken fear of those strongly opposed to Saraki is not only that he
still has PDP blood running in his veins, but that, perhaps more than
any other ranking senator, the Senate presidency could help him secure a
bid for the presidency in four years’ time, or position him as a
rallying point for the resurgence of the PDP at some future date.
If
some of these speculations sound irrational it is because irrationality
is the currency of politics. Who would have believed, for example, that
an unknown Yusuf Lasun would become deputy speaker of the House by
surreptitiously putting himself up for the position while at the same
time voting for his party’s candidate for that position? Or that
Tambuwal would be named as backing the same rebellion that brought his
former party to its knees?
The party has to move forward, not by
running away from, but by confronting its demons. And it would be
foolhardy to leave the job to state governors who barely have control of
their legislators. The party leadership is, regrettably, also
diminished both by this crisis and from the allegations of favouritism
and corruption that preceded it. There is an appalling lack of
confidence and honesty to tackle the problem.
Shutting Saraki out
or living in denial of his presidency will not work. Someone must
engage Saraki and tell him that he cannot defy the party one day, claim
to be remorseful the next and then turn around to insist on sharing
positions in the Senate almost exclusively on his own terms.
For
example, Senator Ali Ndume’s bid for the post of leader of the Senate is
obviously a reward by the pro-Saraki group for Ndume’s rebellion. It
might seem the smart and politically expedient thing to do, but it opens
Saraki’s sincerity to question, complicates the problem in the House
and further damages the party. This is not helped by Ndume’s indictment
in the nation’s topmost security challenge at the moment for which he is
still facing prosecution.
The task of stopping the drift now
falls squarely on Buhari’s shoulders. He cannot outsource or purchase it
by avoiding Saraki. He has promised not to meddle – which is good, but I
have said before that not meddling is not the same thing as playing the
ostrich. APC desperately needs leadership.
Buhari must admit
that his indifference – however well meaning – was just as
counterproductive as Saraki’s ambition. He must engage him fair and
square.
It’s been nearly 30 days in the quandary; that’s neither
what Nigerians deserve nor voted for. Buhari, as president and leader of
his party, must either use the carrot, the stick or both, to whip his
party quickly into line.